Nairobi, Kenya - The Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), the International Relations Society of Kenya (IRSK), the African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD), and the African Centre for the Study of the United States (ACSUS) at the University of the Witwatersrand proudly announce the hosting of its Second Annual IRSK Conference. The event is scheduled to take place from the 20th to the 22nd of November 2024 in Nairobi, Kenya.

Themed "Fostering Integration and Cooperation in the COMESA Region through International Relations and Diplomacy, this second edition of the IRSK Annual Conference represents an exciting convergence of theory and practice in international relations and diplomacy and seeks to make a meaningful contribution to the promotion of peace, stability, and prosperity in the COMESA region.

The three-day conference will bring together key stakeholders, including government officials, diplomats, policymakers, scholars, business leaders, media, and civil society from the COMESA region and beyond. The conference will feature an exciting blend of insightful keynotes, roundtable discussions, research presentations, book launches, workshops, and networking events all designed to foster collaboration and facilitate knowledge sharing among participants."

With close to 200 participants from over 30 countries expected to attend, the second edition of the IRSK Annual Conference is poised to be a landmark event for stakeholders within the COMESA region. The participants will include a mix of seasoned experts and emerging voices in international relations and diplomacy, providing a rich tapestry of perspectives and experiences.

The primary aim of this conference is to explore possible solutions to the multifaceted challenges and competing priorities that the region faces by facilitating discussions and outcomes that are truly holistic and inclusive. Registration for the conference is now open to participants and tickets can be purchased online.

The conference's outcomes shall be converted into actionable strategies and policies that will help pave the way for a more integrated and prosperous COMESA region.

For media inquiries, please contact:

Mr. Dismas Mokua
conference@irskenya.or.ke
info@irskenya.or.ke
IRSK

Ms. Paida Mudzimuirema
paidamwoyo@accord.org.za
ACCORD

 

About The Organizers.

The International Relations Society of Kenya (IRSK) is the professional body for the International Affairs and Diplomacy fields in Kenya. The Society serves as a forum for the exchange of ideas, networking, and programmatic initiatives among those involved in the study, teaching, and practice of international relations and diplomacy. IRSK works to promote policy dialogues on international affairs and diplomacy between various parties, carry out pertinent and substantial research, and engage in conversation and collaboration with various actors at national, regional, and international levels. www.irskenya.or.ke

The Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) was established in 1994 to replace the former Preferential Trade Area (PTA). It is the largest Regional Economic Community with a total of 21 Member States. COMESA’s main focus is to promote economic prosperity through regional integration. Its objective also includes the promotion of peace and security in the region as espoused in Article 3(d) of the COMESA Treaty. The program on peace and security specifically focuses on governance, conflict prevention, conflict management and post- conflict reconstruction. www.comesa.int

The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD) is a civil society organisation working throughout Africa since ACCORD 1992, to bring creative African solutions to the challenges posed by conflict on the continent. We impact political developments by bringing conflict resolution, dialogue, and development to the forefront as an alternative to protracted conflict. As part of its strategic objectives, ACCORD aims to generate, document, and share knowledge that positively impacts conflict prevention, management, resolution, and transformation. www.accord.org.za

The African Centre for the Study of the United States (ACSUS) at the University of the Witwatersrand is the leading hub for African-generated knowledge on the US. Established in 2018, ACSUS addresses the gap in dedicated US studies in sub-Saharan Africa. It remains the first Centre of its kind on the continent to offer a nuanced, analytical African perspective on the US. ACSUS provides extensive, multi and interdisciplinary insights into topics such as political diplomacy, internal US dynamics, diasporic matters, and the US's role as a global political leader. https://www.africa-usforum.africa/

So far, the diplomatic barometer indicates that Kenya has a narrow lead ahead of Djibouti in its bid to represent Eastern Africa as non-permanent member of the UNSC over the 2021-2022 period.

In the Kenya –Djibouti contest, three outcomes are imminent. One, Kenya will sail through after various rounds of voting. Two, Kenya and Djibouti could share the seat following a split outcome where each gets one year of the two-year period. Three, Kenya loses to Djibouti. 

This is an unlikely but not surprising outcome.

Kenya’s strength is based on the fact that it has been formally endorsed by African Union. In fact, on 9th June 2020, few days to the 17th June vote, the AU reiterated its endorsement of Kenya as its nominee for a non-permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council for the term 2021-2022. 

The continental argument is that for the protection of AU influence and legitimacy in future international affairs, the intransigence of Djibouti which insists on bypassing the position of African body should be corrected by voting for Kenya. 

Only by doing so is the African Union able to sustain its tradition of approaching top UN positions and matters with one voice.

Another selling point for Kenya is its visibility globally compared to Djibouti. 

This considers Kenya’s recent hosting and leadership of the 79 membership organization of African, Caribbean and Pacific States (OACPS), its strategic position as a gateway to EAC promising economy, prominence through cultural diplomacy such as athletics and a history of contributing to global peace and security through UN and AU peace missions and regional mediation efforts.

Further, in terms of diplomatic fairness anchored on international relations principles of rotational and negotiated agreements, it is Kenya’s time to serve given that is 22 years since Kenya served on the UNSC (last 1997-98), while Djibouti last served in 1994. 

Persuasively, diplomatic tradition should disallow representation of Africa at the UN Security Council by three countries that are Islamic and French-speaking. Given that currently, Niger and Tunisia are at the UNSC representing West Africa and North Africa, respectively.

However, Kenya faces internal, regional and international challenges in its UNSC bid. Internally the recent political developments can potentially injure some of Kenya’s 10-point pledge for Africa at the UNSC for instance the point on “Justice, human rights and democracy; promotion of a useful environment for a just society.” 

For instance, the public accusations of the President by the Chief Justice have created a perception of the executive clawing back on democracy, rule of law and constitutionalism. 

Notably is the perception that the executive is infringing on the principle of separation of powers between executive, judiciary and legislature. Internal issues such as publicized cases of police brutality and night arrest of human rights defenders also threaten Kenya’s international image. 

Regionally Kenya has had strained relations with both Tanzania and Uganda especially during this COVID19 pandemic. 

This is in addition to its border conflict with Somalia. Kenya is also perceived as transactional and ‘greedy’ in its diplomacy; it has been a candidate for several positions ranging from AU Commission chairmanship, hosting of African Continental Free Trade Area (ACFTA) to hosting UN Global Service Center. 

These portray Kenya as self-seeking, and it is made worse by case of Kenya’s bilateral trade agreements with USA despite AfCFTA ambitions.

Yet internationally, the conundrum of the two countries’ candidature to the UN Security Council lies in the fact that both states provide attractive opportunities to the global powers especially the UNSC permanent members. 

Both Kenya and Djibouti are strategically located on the Indian Ocean providing opportunities for global powers to establish trade, military bases and influence geo-politics. Indeed, both countries are allies to the global powers. 

Kenya provides an avenue for major powers to pursue trade interests and influence geo-politics in the Greater Horn of Africa region and the continent at large.    

Djibouti’s strategic location within the Red Sea Alliance region – a significantly emerging forum for Asia and Western powers- has attracted diplomatic relations with various states. 

Notably, Djibouti has become home to several military bases for powers such as USA, France, Japan, Italy and China. Perhaps this is a pointer to prediction from some quarters that Kenya and Djibouti could possibly share the seat.      

While Kenya appears to present a technocratic argument: climate change, gender equality, youth empowerment, bridging gap, human rights, peace and security. 

Djibouti presents political arguments that focus on Kenya’s conduct such as territorial conflicts with Somalia, unreliability as an international partner and violation of the spirit of sovereign equality of states and the practice of rotation of seats since Djibouti argues that it was the first to declare its candidacy in 2016.

If Kenya clinches the UNSC non-permanent member position, it is a chance of holding the rotational presidency, a position that opens extensive avenues for influence on matters that affect Kenya’s national interests and Africa. 

Kenya can get great power support and concessions whenever the five permanent members require backing of at least four non-permanent members to initiate veto Council decisions. 

The country could also leverage on its position in the UNSC to get a favorable outcome in its territorial conflict with Somalia currently before the International Court of Justice (ICJ)  

On March 2020, at the direction of President Donald J. Trump, the United States Trade Representative (USTR) Robert Lighthizer notified Congress that the Trump Administration will negotiate a free trade agreement (FTA) with Kenya. “Under President Trump‘s leadership, we look forward to negotiating and concluding a comprehensive, high standard agreement with Kenya that can serve as a model for additional trade agreements across Africa,” said Ambassador Lighthizer, in the said letter.
According to the USTR, the proposed FTA intends to ―build on the objectives of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) and serve as an enduring foundation to expand U.S.-Africa trade and investment across the continent. When the Kenya-U.S. FTA negotiation commences, the U.S. will not be negotiating in a vacuum. The U.S. will be negotiating the Kenya-U.S. FTA against the backdrop of some recent trade negotiations involving the United States and against the backdrop of key U.S legislations, executive orders, and policy actions that collectively shed light on the negotiating priorities, strategies, and motivations of the United States.

Key legislation, executive orders, and policy actions include:
1. Bipartisan Congressional Trade Priorities and Accountability Act of 2015 (a.k.a. Trade Promotion Authority)
2. United States-Kenya Negotiations: Summary of Specific Negotiating Objectives, (May 22, 2020). On May 22, 2020, Office of the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR) released the specific negotiating objectives of the proposed U.S.-Kenya Free Trade Agreement.
3. The Trump Administration, “America First” Strategy.

Comprehensive trade deals of the size envisioned by the United States are not easy to pull off. The United States will undoubtedly be the more dominant player in a Kenya-U.S. FTA negotiation. Indeed, experts agree that few countries come close to negotiating on parity with Washington. For both sides, it will undoubtedly be a long path to negotiations. Consequently, it is important that the Kenyan Government is fully briefed on:
1. The critical pillars of President Trump‘s trade policy.
2. The critical aspects of President Trump‘s trade strategy and capacity.
3. The important lessons that Kenya could draw from recent trade negotiations and/or deals involving the United States.
4. The potential risks to domestic regulatory space of a comprehensive Kenya-U.S. FTA.
5. The potential risks to domestic and regional policy coherence of a comprehensive Kenya-U.S.
FTA.
6. Controversial issues that might prolong talks.

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As the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic continues to be felt globally, the growing anxiety due to an uncertain future is putting pressure on many states as the level of threat varies from one country to another.
That can be attributed to deliberate or unintentional factors that may increase or reduce the level of state vulnerability.
Questions are being raised as to whether aggressive government policy on social distancing an over-reaction, or if the measures taken by any government and the international community are adequate.
Such queries are emerging due to the negative economic repercussions that are unexpectedly developing as a result of adopting and implementing social distancing measures.
In an unprecedented turn of events, the international community is facing the most significant global health challenge, that is dependent on getting national policies plus citizen participation right for the sake state stability and individual survival.
This pandemic, like any other public health concern, begins and stops at the individual and society levels. It is now glaring that the, elimination of poverty and inequality help to create resilience needed in such situations.
Citizens, therefore, now have a growing responsibility in what is predominantly the preserve of the state in acting against a significant national security threat.
In order to play this role effectively, there must also be an empowerment mechanism from the state. This has proved to be a challenge for developing countries who’s economic and health sectors were already strained before the onset of the pandemic.
Ease of transmission of the disease has also placed the individual at the core of the security debate in the international system for in the current COVID-19 pandemic, state action or inaction is breeding discontent as a result of unfulfilled expectations in service delivery.
Although social distancing measures are successful in preventing domestic health crises, other supportive measures such as curfews or ultimately lockdowns are being frowned upon as a result of economic shocks faced by the majority poor.
This however does not establish the necessary security measures against the emergence of a second wave of infections.
Meanwhile, initiatives in achieving about ‘herd immunity’ have been applied in countries such as Sweden or closer home in Tanzania. Herd immunity is attained when most of the population becomes infected and acquires immunity.
Alternatively, social distancing is used as means to allow gradual exposure in order to achieve herd immunity without effecting lockdowns or curfews.
This is in order to develop a system in which the healthcare system is not overwhelmed. This way, the long-term effect of herd immunity will provide some sort of insulation from future outbreaks by creating a critical mass of immune citizens.
As is the case in every situation, there is no one size that fits all, and the impact of COVID-19 is yet to be clearly felt and understood. Increased poverty and high levels of vulnerable groups point towards a significant level of risk in terms of fatalities.
This has drawn global attention to the possible impact of COVID-19 on developing countries. In all this, the operational environment and risk factors are diverse.
The main lesson so far is that public trust is a crucial ingredient in the successful implementation of social distancing policies aimed at containing COVID-19. Success can be attributed to positive steps taken by government including the settlement of medical expenses.
This is because individual responsibility has been shown to be high in countries that have confidence in their government due to the open approach in terms of communication and sensitization.
Public confidence also makes the citizens more resilient to the aftershocks of containment policies and increase adaptability to the new normal if governments clarify the next steps or adaptation measures for individuals to plan their future in times of difficulty.
Secondly, behavioral norms are being re-established in all aspects of human interaction, having both challenges and opportunities to found more adaptable societies.
Lastly, despite existing policies in place, high numbers of infections have adverse effects on the economy and healthcare system due to potential to completely overwhelm existing capacity and resources.
This means the success of lockdowns is ultimately dependent on the economic resilience of the state and demographics as most countries with higher casualties have higher aging populations.
Despite the uncertainty, many are waiting for things to go back to what they were, but it seems unlikely in the short term with various interactions such as work shifting to the digital space.
In understanding the ‘new normal,’ it is useful to map out the emergence and level of threats posed by COVID-19 domestically, regionally, and internationally.
Countries that adopt aggressive measures aimed at enforcing the implementation of social distancing, risk eroding public trust in the measures needed to curb the spread of the disease thereby leading to apathy.

This increases chances of a second outbreak because it may create a wedge between the government and the citizens, whose cooperative efforts are key in determining the level of success in policies aimed at containing COVID-19.

The willingness of the population to follow the government directives enhances the ability of the state to enforce stringent measures to attain effectiveness.

Nonetheless, not all governments have taken that stance. Some countries have opted for herd immunity by maintaining a business as usual stance.

Overall, the ideal situation would be to achieve immunity in the long run without threatening state stability. Maintaining public confidence is a key factor that will dominate the conversation on how to tackle pandemics for developing countries in the COVID and Post COVID-19 era.

This is a result of global and domestic inequalities as well as high levels of poverty, unemployment, and human insecurity in developing countries.

When you hold up the bright and blind spots with regards to Kenyans living abroad, you are likely to see more of the latter than the former.
Yet, there is an unambiguous, state-instituted diaspora policy framework. This would ideally dovetail with the keenness of patriotic Kenyans abroad interested in making a positive change in their motherland.
The problem is that the various interests involved in matters are, woefully, on divergent paths.
If state-led intentions coalesced with the interests of Kenyans abroad, the bright side of things would shine a light on the current pessimism converting the mutual contentions into pragmatic action plans.
We could move the needle away from missed opportunities, towards the harnessing of the widely acknowledged diaspora potential.
Going back to the drawing board is the way forward. We are called upon to re-think and re-engineer of the whole gamut of Kenyan diaspora affairs.
The challenge is that state officials charged with the responsibility of executing diaspora programs are inclined to take defensive stances. Enumeration of the challenges hampering the full exploitation of the Kenyan diaspora is often seen as an indictment!
On the other hand, Kenyans living abroad take critical stances and pessimistic attitudes conditioned by years of pent-up frustrations over unmet expectations. The diaspora community almost always put the blame for the challenges they encounter at the doorsteps of government.
The resultant chasm between these two polarities is what government officials and Kenyans abroad should seek to bridge. In the South African political parlance, government and diaspora need to “find each other”.
There is no shortage of literature on the lacuna between intentions on the one hand and constraints on the other. For instance, the diaspora largely view politically appointed ambassadors are ill-fitted to execute diaspora-supportive initiatives.
This perspective holds that diplomatic missions are as politically corrupt and morally bankrupt as the political system back home.
From the government end, the view may be that Kenyans abroad are a conceited, unrealistic and insatiable lot. That a large segment of the group specializes in whining from privileged locales away from home.
Government officials bristle at the ostensible “special” treatment that diaspora demand without regard for the dire situation their brethren back at home endure. The view from the government may be that there are many national priorities that trump the frivolous diaspora demands.
The consequence is an unremitting stalemate! Filling the gaps between the real and perceived shortcomings on either side of the divide with an eye on the latent diaspora potential requires candour on both sides.
As the adage goes, the first step in resolving a contentious problem is to figure out where “the rain started beating us”.
Propitiously, Kenya has a diaspora framework outlined in its foreign policy generally and in the diaspora policy specifically.
A structured starting point would be to review the letter and spirit of these ideally sacrosanct documents as a means of bridging the gap between aspirations and realities.

As rule of thumb, policymaking, when followed through, provides a structured framework for reaching rapprochement over knotty issues. The key question for the review process would be: have the specific standpoints, principles and action plans lived up to expectation?

Both the current Kenyan foreign and the diaspora policies were promulgated in 2014 building on the momentum begun in the crafting of the Vision 2030. Diaspora was, and ideally remains, a flagship program within the bullish national plan.

The policies were celebrated by stakeholders as the country had never promulgated written foreign and diaspora policies.

That diaspora organisations and supra-national organisations were involved goes to demonstrate the wide purchase, acceptance and sense of ownership that the policy garnered. For instance, the World Bank contributed US$500,000 for the development of the strategy.

The arrival of these polices tell us that the framers of Kenya’s international affairs were fully seized of the centrality diaspora.

Nearly seven years later, these policies require a thorough review. At a fundamental level, there has been a sea change in global, regional and domestic affairs so much so that these policies need to be re-engineered.

As an example, governments no longer have a monopoly in the diplomatic space as non-state actors such as diaspora formations increasingly play a large role.

The failures of state-led diaspora management are legion: the diaspora directorate has been financially constrained; the diaspora portal launched by Deputy President William Ruto in late 2014 never took off; the National Diaspora Council of Kenya – formed as part of the new policy – has punched way below its envisaged role; the stakeholder-partnership spirit has fizzled out.

The objectives of these policies aimed to “promote and protect the interests of Kenyans abroad and, “enhance partnership with the Kenya Diaspora and descendants”. If you ask most of the Kenyan diaspora, they feel neither protected nor see Kenya Inc. as a partner.

In other words, the policies have only had an underwhelming impact.

Diaspora diplomacy is one of the foreign pillars along with peace, economic, environmental and cultural diplomacies. The goals of the policy are to among other things; tap the untapped potential of Kenyans abroad as means of integrating the diaspora into the development agenda.

However, enfeebled consular services, poor leveraging of Kenyans abroad and weak policies on remittances fly in the face of these otherwise well-meaning strategies.

Most Kenyans living abroad do not see their government as welcoming to their potential involvement in the countries developmental plans. In fact, many feel rebuffed, alienated and, “on their own”.

The upshot is that there is a huge lacuna between the diaspora diplomacy pillar and the other pillars of peace, economics, environment and culture.

The failure of the policy can be seen in the fact that basic data on the Kenyan diaspora remains a grey area. How does one even strategize when you are in the dark on metrics?

Estimates however, indicate that there were about 3 million Kenyans living abroad in 2014, a figure that must have shot up towards or over 4 million people. This nearly 10 per cent of the population, a huge demographic asset, nay, human capital!

Government officials may enumerate a retinue of challenges to explain away the factors that hamper implementation of the diaspora policies. The key challenge would be financial constraints.

However, discussions with diaspora organizations could help provide innovative and cost-effective alternatives. For instance, diaspora organizations can be co-opted into working closely with diplomatic missions for instance in data collection.

Digital platforms can be leveraged a little more in the version of virtual embassies. Diaspora can serve as honorary consuls in countries where Kenya doesn’t have permanent missions.

The diaspora mechanisms need an overhaul, a thorough review based on reflecting what went wrong with the aspirational policies of 2014. The next step is for state, supra-national and diaspora stakeholders and diaspora to “find each other” around a consultative table.

There is an avalanche of information out there. The review would do well to consider and domesticate best practice countries as well as guidelines developed by a host of organisations.

Amidst the Covid-19 calamity and all the challenges it has brought worldwide, one should not hesitate to see glimmers of hope and accentuate what could be positive signs, allowing us to navigate smoothly and with resilience through the crisis as a result of the rapid uptake of digital technologies.
No doubt the fast application of digitization has soothed the effects of the coronavirus on our daily lives, and it has also allowed continuing education for our children, working from home for many companies, virtual meetings at the highest political levels and online shopping, among other benefits. If life has not stopped with the lockdowns that have been put in place in many countries across the world, much can be attributed to what the crisis itself has helped to unfold, namely the unprecedented absorption of digital skills and the day-to-day operationalising of digital economies.
In a world where advanced technology can help people to adapt to crises, the question arises of the significant digital divides that still exist both within and between countries, particularly on the African continent.
Paralysis has stricken large parts of the world in the current crisis that have difficulty coping with advanced technologies and do not have the tools to fully engage in the digital economy. Full-scale global solidarity is vital to deal with the challenges of the coronavirus pandemic that may persist for months to come.
Big tech companies have flourished since the outbreak of the pandemic. According to a New York Times article on 23 March…. Read more